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Monday 25 February 2013

Afghanistan's first female mayor proves critics wrong

After facing suspicion from local men, Azra Jafari is now referred to as 'Mr Mayor' – a title that conveys respect in Afghanistan.
 When Azra Jafari became mayor of Nili, she knew that the impoverished and remote Afghan town desperately needed roads and investment. She was aware she would be living in very basic conditions, on a meagre salary of $76 (£50) a month, and that taking care of a four-year-old daughter at the same time would be challenging.

What she was less prepared for was the appearance of a powerful mullah in her unheated, makeshift office, wagging his finger at her, warning that Nili was not about to accept a female mayor who thought she could "exploit her femininity in order to complete a few projects and influence our women".

"After three months, the same man came up to me and thanked me," Jafari recalled, four years later. "He said, 'If a man could do just half of what you've done here, our province will surely flourish.' He now supports me and we work very well together – I have a great deal of respect for him."

She is now referred to as "Mr Mayor" by her community, a title that conveys respect in a country not known for women's rights.

Until 2009, Nili – a small town of about 40,000 people at the centre of Daykundi province – had never seen a female official, said Jafari. She had to prove to the community that she was serious about improving their lives.

Jafari was shocked by the complete lack of infrastructure in the town. "Anything that needed to be built in Nili, had to be built from scratch," she said. "And I had no budget" – something she had to address by making regular trips to Kabul to implore ministry officials to release funds. "When I arrived, my office had been damaged by snowfall. It was a small room, with a few pillows. There was no table, no chairs. Just a couple of people there to help me," Jafari said.

"Wherever it was necessary I picked up a shovel, kicked dirt, and gathered coal with my hands. Nili is not the sort of town where you can easily drive a car. I often had to walk from place to place through deep snow, getting my feet soaking wet."

Map: Afghanistan, Nili 
Location of Nili in Afghanistan. 
 
The 34-year-old cannot be further from the image of the downtrodden victim that has become a misleading shorthand for Afghan womanhood. Nor is she connected to a powerful or wealthy family, and she fiercely rejects the suggestion that her promotion was an exercise in tokenism by a government under pressure from its western financiers to show it is bettering women's rights.

"If our friends in the international community really made me mayor because I am a woman then they would have paid for the roads I built. Unfortunately they have contributed very little to the changes in Daykundi," she said.

Jafari also does not hold back on the subject of how severely women in office in Afghanistan are judged, likening it to having one's decisions and behaviour placed under a magnifying glass.

"There are plenty of men here with no ambition to work, who are bad at their jobs and over whom a lot of money has been wasted. Because they are men, no one really questions them and asks 'as a man, how successful have you managed to be?' But as the only female mayor among 180 others, the first question I'm always asked, wherever I am, is 'show us what you've done for your people.'"

Jafari, who is married to an Afghan film-maker, is currently the subject of a documentary series called Afghanistan at Work, a sequel to Kabul: A City at Work, which seeks to show ordinary working Afghans doing extraordinary things at a time of war.

"Mr Mayor" grew up in Ghor province, which borders Daykundi to the west. Like Daykundi, Ghor's population is poor and mainly Shia Hazara. Jafari says that her familiarity with the people and their needs is what partly drew her to the job in Nili.

Daykundi has virtually no western troops. It was carved out of inhospitable mountainous terrain in the centre of Afghanistan in 2004, hugged by the much more restive provinces of Ghazni, Uruzgan and Helmand.
It takes Jafari and her daughter, Indira, two days to drive to Nili from Kabul. It is a perilous journey on poorly paved roads. It becomes a death trap during winter's heavy snowfall.

Two days after this interview, Jafari telephoned from Nili to explain that the small coach in which she had been travelling along with her daughter and 13 other passengers, had overturned and almost careered 1,600ft towards a riverbed below.

"The windows were shattered. Thank God we were OK," she said, adding that she had suffered a sprained neck and her daughter had cut her finger on some glass. "But she couldn't stop shaking for half an hour afterwards."

Bad weather and heart-stopping bus journeys are one risk. The other is the war being waged between Afghan and foreign forces and insurgents.

Jafari's commute often takes her through the insurgent-filled province of Maidan Wardak. "Last year we were caught in a gunfight between Afghan forces and insurgents for three hours. We couldn't move."
And violence is slowly encroaching on Nili itself. Daykundi has long been known as one of the least dangerous and most isolated provinces in Afghanistan. But the Taliban are making increasingly bold moves on Nili, advancing from a district called Gizab, on the border with Uruzgan and technically under that province's jurisdiction.

For many years, it was the very lack of an insurgency that starved Daykundi of adequate attention from foreign donors. Now, Jafari says, that argument is running on borrowed time.

Between 2001 and 2011 the US government's development agency, USAid, spent $37m (£24.4m) on projects in Daykundi province, which has a population of just over 400,000 but no Nato-backed provincial reconstruction team (PRT). By contrast, the more dangerous Uruzgan province, which borders Daykundi to its south and is home to 100,000 fewer civilians, received almost twice as much aid over the same period and hosts a PRT.

Like thousands of Afghans, Jafari fled the civil war in the early 1990s, taking refuge in Iran, where she ran a school for Afghan refugee children. She moved back to Afghanistan in September 2001 to take part in a peace jirga (a tribal assembly of elders) as the fall of the Taliban became imminent. She has also published two books, one entitled I am a Working Woman, which she wrote for women with low levels of literacy.
When we met, Jafari was dressed in a fitted beige knee-length tunic, buttoned down the front and worn over trousers. Her hair was neatly covered with a black shawl splashed with bright colours and loosely wrapped around her neck. It is a typical Kabul look, but perhaps seen as less acceptable in a much more conservative and rural place such as Nili.

"I like to dress formally," she explained. "This means clothes tend to be more fitted and a bit tighter, but this is the way formal, professional people dress. Not traditional loose, wide clothing, and people need to accept this."

She has never changed what she wears, even in the face of criticism and gossip, as she sees it as part of her job to encourage people to understand that the way someone dresses has no bearing on who they are or their ability to get a job done properly.

"What I've really learned is that it makes no difference whether you are a man or a woman, what matters is that you do your work properly and you work hard and how seriously you take your responsibilities," she said.

As Afghanistan's first and only female mayor, Jafari is determined to make her mark not just on infrastructure but on attitudes towards women. She feels strongly that since being in Nili, she has influenced the way younger women think, and for the better. She says one day she may angle for the top job in government, but she would like to become a member of parliament before aiming for the presidential palace. "I'm like a template for women," she said.

The morning after the interview, Jafari set off, with Indira in tow, on their long and dangerous journey to Nili. (Guardian)

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Thursday 21 February 2013

Malaysia council to push online business for women

Shahrizat Abdul Jalil wants to get Malaysia women online for their businesses.
KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysia is continuing to push women and business. The latest efforts comes in the form of educating women business owners on the usefulness of the online and social media world as a means of garnering more traffic for their companies.

The Malaysian Women and Family Development Council on Monday said that they were establishing a national Sohonista Secretariat that would be tasked with educating and offering assistance for women to boost their online presence for their business.

The Council’s chief Shahrizat Abdul Jalil was reported in local media as saying Sohonista is a reference to “small office, home office” where women for women can assist each other.

Ahead of a general election, she said the ruling Barisan Nasional Party’s women’s initiatives are aiming to strengthen the economy for women.

Still, some critics said that the move is political and previous efforts have done little to improve the status of female business owners in Malaysia.

“I hope this is more than just talk and that it will result in positive change and assistance for women, because it is sorely needed in this country,” a marketing manager at a leading international firm in Kuala Lumpur Naveen Ahmad told Bikyanews.com.

She added that “with an election coming up, I want to see real concrete movement before I believe it.”
Abdul Jalil was adamant that the effort was series, saying that “the idea of establishing the secretariat arose as a lot of women, particularly those recently married or with small families, are forced to abandon their careers due to the problem of not having a maid.

“I see them as having ideas, resources and expertise to start an online business from home, but face hurdles in getting the necessary assistance,” she continued.

“Sohonista does not just focus on women, as we are also keen on the participation of men, who might want to join this program,” she told reporters after officiating the first Sohonista bazaar on Sunday.

Abdul Jalil continued to say that “the secretariat will also assist those involved in the online business to secure assistance such as advice, as well as facilities and finance.”

No time table was given on the process and how women could apply for assistance.

“For example, the Prime Minister just launched the RM50 million Young Entrepreneurs Fund, for youths keen on starting or expanding their existing businesses.

“But many may not still know how or where they have to go to apply for the fund. So, we will act as a go-between for them,” she added. (bikyanews)

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Monday 18 February 2013

Afghan Girls and Education

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Imagine a country where girls must sneak out to go to school, with deadly consequences if they get caught learning. This was Afghanistan under the Taliban, and traces of that danger remain today. 22-year-old Shabana Basij-Rasikh runs a school for girls in Afghanistan. She celebrates the power of a family's decision to believe in their daughters -- and tells the story of one brave father who stood up to local threats. (Filmed at TEDxWomen)

TEDTalks is a daily video podcast of the best talks and performances from the TED Conference, where the world's leading thinkers and doers give the talk of their lives in 18 minutes (or less). Look for talks on Technology, Entertainment and Design -- plus science, business, global issues, the arts and much more.
Find closed captions and translated subtitles in many languages at http://www.ted.com/translate

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Saturday 9 February 2013

Sexual Harassment of Women is State Sponsored Say Egyptian Women

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More at The Real News



Systematic attacks targeting female protesters in Tahrir square have forced an ugly epidemic into the national spotlight. Over a dozen women were gang raped and violently assaulted during the January 25th anniversary, leaving at least one woman in serious condition after being penetrated by a knife. The brutality of the attacks has enraged Egyptian women to stage protests throughout the country. The savage nature of the mob assaults has convinced many the organized mobs are tools of state sponsored repression, aimed at threatening women off the street protests. Attacks signaling out female protesters has escalated over the past year, as Tahrir square became increasingly dangerous for women. Protesters also blame a system that condones and perpetuates violence against women.

Amnesty International released a report detailing the assaults and called on the Morsi government to go after and prosecute those involved. On January 25th alone, close to 20 women were swept into hordes of ravenous packs of men. Inside the mob, the women were gang raped, relentless groped, beaten, had their clothes torn off, and in some cases were penetrated with knives and metal rods. Activists and human rights groups are working to keep the subject in the national spotlight after some survivors of the attack described their attack on national television. Daily sexual harassment has been prevalent throughout Egypt for years. Recent study reports found 83% of Egyptian women and 95% of foreign women have experienced sexual harassment. However, in this socially conservative society, the subject is often considered a taboo. Women who speak out are often blamed for the attack while the perpetrator is let off. 

Ahmed Nagy and Sheren Ahmed contributed to this report (therealnews)

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Wednesday 6 February 2013

Is Music Prohibited in the Holy Quran? No.

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2/3   Kashmir's first all-female rock group disband following threats

(Pragaash quit three months after forming, pointing to fatwa from cleric and local opinion in India's only majority Muslim state)

An all-female rock band in Kashmir has decided to disband following threats of violence on social media and a fatwa from a senior local Muslim cleric.

The three teenage members of Pragaash (which translates as Light) told local reporters in India's only Muslim majority state that they were sorry if "the people" were unhappy with their music and that, in order to respect the religious ruling issued by Grand Mufti Mohammad Bashiruddin at the weekend, would no longer play.
The cleric, who has a history of controversy, had said Pragaash, the first all-female rock band in the contested state, was against "Islamic teachings" and suggested that such "behaviour" contributed to rising sexual assaults in India.

"Muftisaab has said our music is un-Islamic. We respect him and the people of Kashmir … and their opinion. That is why we have quit,'' one unnamed band-member, whose face was obscured in broadcast footage, told Times Now television.

The affair has revealed deep tensions in Kashmir, which was split between India and Pakistan when the two nations gained independence from Britain in 1947. As elsewhere in India many young people in the state are adopting lifestyles which challenge the values and authority of conservatives.

The Kashmir cultural clash comes in the aftermath of the rape and murder of a 23-year-old physiotherapist in December in Delhi. The full trial of the five men accused of the crime opened on Tuesday at a newly established "fast track court" in the Indian capital. A juvenile will face separate proceedings.

Both Hindu and Muslim conservatives blamed the attack on "westernisation", outraging those who believe a widespread and deeply rooted culture of misogyny is a major factor behind the current wave of sexual violence in India.

But the situation in Kashmir is complicated by other factors including the inroads made by more rigorous strands of Islamic practice, often influenced by hardline thought in Pakistan and the Gulf, in recent decades. Previously Kashmir, which has a long tradition of female singing and music-making, was known for its folksy, tolerant religious culture. A vicious insurgency in the state through the 1990s and into the following decade, caused tens of thousands of deaths. Now violence is rare but a new puritanism is still strong.

The decision of Pragaash has also raised broader fears over freedom of expression in India. In the last two weeks an exhibition showing nudes was forced to close temporarily by Hindu rightwingers, a spy film dealing with Islamic terrorism was banned in the state of Tamil Nadu, the Indian-born author Salman Rushdie was barred from Kolkata and criminal complaints were registered against an academic who claimed those who rank lowest among India's caste system were responsible for most corruption.

One minister spoke of an atmosphere of "competitive intolerance".

"The challenge for us as a society is got to be to find the right balance that leans more towards freedom and not towards repression," said Shashi Tharoor, minister for human resource development and a writer.
But the Indian government has repeatedly been criticised by campaigners for its efforts to control online activity as well as for frequently failing to protect the outspoken.

"Freedom of expression is still seen as something of a western idea and not a priority for the Indian state. Secularism [in India] … means not the absence of religion but the accommodation of many gods. If there is the slightest risk of antagonising ... voters, then who cares about artists?" said Manu Joseph, a novelist and commentator.

Last year Rushdie, whose 1988 novel The Satanic Verses led to a fatwa from the Iran's Ayatollah Khomeini calling for the murder of the author, was forced to pull out of the Jaipur literary festival after threats from Muslim groups.

The members of Pragaash have, however, received support from the elected chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Omar Abdullah, who has ordered police to trace those who posted threats of violence against the band, formed three months ago, on Facebook.

"Shame on those who claim freedom of speech via social media and then … threaten girls who have the right to choose to sing," he tweeted. "I hope these talented young girls will not let a handful of morons silence them." (Guardian-uk)

3/3    Fatwa on girl band rocks Kashmir

An all-girl rock band in Jammu and Kashmir - a first for the region - has been forced to break up after a senior cleric called the musicians un-Islamic.

He banned them in a controversy that has gripped the north-west Indian state.
The three-member group Pragaash (meaning From Darkness to Light) was also targeted in an online hate campaign.

They had won a battle of the bands talent quest in December.
Now the grand mufti of Jammu and Kashmir, Bashiruddin Ahmad, has issued a fatwa, or religious ruling, ordering the girls to break up.
  

Girls' right

But the girl band has its supporters, including sections of the media and those who feel that hardline Muslim conservatives should not dictate the cultural choices of Kashmiri society.

Many in the Kashmir Valley, it seems, support the girls' right to make music.
Prabod Janwal, editor of the Kashmir Times, told Radio Australia's Asia Pacific program the clash was "one of the major stories, since it involves all the civil society, general public, citizens and everybody in the whole of Jammu and Kashmir.

"It's a major issue, which has created a sort of controversy about the role of the clerics and those who were opposed to the playing of the rock band, and their performances in Jammu and Kashmir."
Asked if the row reflected a division in society, Janwal said he believed "Jammu and Kashmir is not a highly-conservative society, it has been very open society, very progressive.

"I think women have every right to education and performances and other sorts of activities related to culture, literature and the performing arts."

But "now and then, clerics have been acting on their own, or trying to enforce their own sort of Islamic fundamentals on the whole of the society."

The editor said that in the early 1990s, when women's education was targeted by some clerics, they (the clerics) were isolated by the entire society, people refused to listen to their dictates and the fatwas issued by them were also flouted.

"And in fact they were opposed by society as a whole."
 

Posted abuse

He said the current problem started a month ago after some people "posted abuses" and objected to the performances of the all-girl rock band.

Before that, "when they were playing, they were open, they were holding their performances, nobody noticed it and nobody opposed it.

"People were very encouraging for the entire rock band group."
Janwa said the state government had been reluctant to stand up to the mufti.
"When the whole of the society is opposed to the utterances of the cleric, why should the government remain silent?" he asked

The music follows the local tradition of Sufi-ana, related to the Sufi heritage, "which have been considered by some of the fundamentalist Islamic clerics as un-Islamic," he said.

"But they (the Sufi singers) go ahead with it, society is with them, society listens to them, society follows them. And then, Sufis are always revered by the society." (abc)

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